Ma dooneyn dadnimadaan laheyn duleynaa e
Ma dooneyn inaad daba gashaan duul shisheeye e
Ma dooneyn inaad dowlad kale dacalla joogtaanee
Ma dooneyn inaad daad rag kale daasad wadataan e
Ma dooneyn da’aadeen inaad daba dhawaaqdaan e
Dawersi ma dooneyn iyo tuugmo dalabtaan e
Introduction
The civil war ravaging Somali territory has escalated to one of biblical proportions, as the civil war and lack of central government has now entered its 21st year, with no sign of easing soon.
Somalia and Somalis have suffered this mayhem, producing one of the largest refugee camps on the planet and the largest Eastern African or perhaps African Diaspora communities spanning from Arabia to American’s states of Minnesota and Alaska, Canada, Europe and the wilderness of the Russian Federation.
Somalia has had more than 13 so-called ‘peace conferences’ without much success and even sometimes causing new problem such as the rise of Islamic militant. This occurred after the last peace conference in the Kenyan town of Eildoret which later moved to Embagathi, producing the TFG which was led by the late President Yusuf and now currently by President Sharif.
The effect of the war was felt badly, even in places like the Maakhir territory which happened as early as the late 1980s. The situation involved armed Somali National Movement attacking towns and villages that were inhabited by Maakhiris in Sanaag region. Towns and cities such as Erigavo, Hingalol, Damalla-Hagare, Armale and Hadaftimo became the target of northern rebels causing unforgettable disasters in terms of human suffering as many refuges and internal displaced people have had to move around in order to seek safe areas where they can stay.
The Northern war finished in 1991 after the Erigavo peace agreement between warring factions. However majority of the elders in Maakhir territory believed that the peace agreement was incomplete, since the Erigavo was under the control of SNM. Nevertheless, the peace prevailed and since then no other large scale conflict has happened in Sanaag, which is a huge milestone and a good example of how Somalis can sort their differences without foreign hands and dictation.
After the fall of the central government, the territory was under the control of the re-established United Somali Party, which also controlled Sool and Buhotle district of Togdher region. The USP was established at Golkhatumo, near Las Anod in 1959, under the chairmanship of late Sultan Mohamoud Ali Shire but dissolved after the Somali revolution, led by the late Siad Bare in 1969. The rule of the USP, over the territory, lasted until it had been dissolved again after the Harti Conference that was held in Garowe, Nugal region, in 1998. This resulted in the birth of Puntland State of Somalia; however a new problem occurred in which Somaliland exaggerated its claim over the territory, on the basis of colonial borders, and accused the Bari, Nugal and Mudug clans for trespassing on their territory. Just to point that the both Maakhiris and the BNM clans are that of the Habar Majeertain clan of Harti. Contrary of the views that are widely held and argued over by the northern secessionist, a territory can only be claimed on the basis of race, religion, cultural and in this particular incident, this is not the case.
Where is Maakhir Territory?
Before we can go into details in Maakhir territory’s agonising and unpleasantly difficult position, allow me to give a brief geographical description of Maakhir:
Maakhir territory is in North-East Somalia, and is part of the second largest region in the nation, Sanaag. It lies between the borders of the semi-autonomous State of Puntland in the northeast, and the self-declared State of Somaliland in the northwest. Both governments claim territorial authority over the territory and although they both invest heavily in their political and territorial interests, neither administration has contributed to meaningful developments or any emergency relief in the region. This is the main dilemma for Maakhir.
The territory of Maakhir stretches from the ancient town of Waqderia, 44° 30’ North Longitude, near Mait on the northern cost, to the city of Bosaaso at 49° east longitude which is the commercial capital of Puntland state of Somalia on the east coast. The area contains many historical sites and cities yet the city of Laasqoray remains in the lead when it comes to its historical and cultural heritage. The territory has four: the coastal area in which Waqderia, Geilweite, Laasqoray, Durduri, Ga’an, Ad-Ado and Elayo are the main towns and cities on the coast; the mountain range in which is locally known as Almadow; and is beautiful, lush green with plenty of seasonal spring waters. The gypsum karsts [Didib] plateau is arid and harsh with little drinkable water deposit and it is where one of the biggest cities in the territory lies: the city of Badhan and the Sool plateau, which starts from the town of Eilbuh and across Hadeed Plateau.
The Maakhir territory in Sanaag region consists of four districts, prior to the civil war, and they are Erigavo (the capital of Sanaag region), Laasqoray, Badhan and Dhahar; however, many other towns have grown larger since many pastoralists has settled down in those cities.
Regarding Erigavo, since the end of the war, the city has remained in the hands of Eastern Somaliland clans and is under the control of Somaliland authority, but with a weak and fragile administration and with larger Maakhiris populations in the city. The new districts are Buraan on the East, Hingalol on Hadeed Plateau, Hadaftimo in near Badhan in the central and Yubbe further up and closer to Erigavo.
The Maakhir territory in Western Bari consists of: District of Galgala, district of Eil-Dahir on the highway to Bosaaso, the towns of Maraje, Laag, Jinba, Afurur and of course the commercial city of Puntland, Bosaaso which co-inhabits with other confederation clans in Bari region, largest Somali region.
Regarding Bosaaso the control in the city remains firmly in the hands of the other clans, especially the BNM clan who controls the port, the airport, all the check points, the district commissioner and the Police chief which led to the Maakhiris believing that all forms of nepotism and cronyism has replaced the original aim of the Puntland state. This has contributed to the continuation of mistrust between the Harti confederations who established the state of Puntland. There is no equal opportunity between the Maakhiris and the others in the city Bosaaso at all.
For the record, despite the territorial dispute between the two administrations of Puntland and Somaliland over it, there has been very little violence in Maakhir territory since the war stopped in The North of Somalia in 1991. In fact, because of its peace and stability, the region has become a refuge for thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) seeking safety.
How Developed is the Maakhir territory?
In terms of development and the presence of international non governmental organisations, there is none as the international community has responded to the political conflict and complex situation by instituting a ‘non-engagement’ policy. This has left the people in the region without access to assistance and basic support in their efforts to secure sustainable livelihoods, which is both shameful and deplorable.
The policy of non-engagement has led to unjustified neglect in the territory of Maakhir, making the territory one of the most impoverished and underdeveloped regions in Somalia, particularly in northern Somalia despite of the territory being one of the safest region and should thus have received more assistance. The international community’s policy of non-engagement has been devastating to both short- and long-term food securities in the region.
The only NGO who had established itself in the territory is Horn Relief which have provided much needed assistant to large internally displaced persons in the territory and to the Pastoralist. The NGO also have the widely acclaimedCash Relief program in which poorer section of the population have greatly benefited. However Horn Relief can not cover the need of the entire local inhabitants, especially in terms of Educational and Health institutions and also the size of the territory is quite challenging for small NGO like Horn relief to be entirely effective. The potential for agricultural development has been largely unexploited and much work is needed in the livestock sector to improve the quality of herds and reduce environmental degradation. The mountainous nature of the region, the poor state of roads and communication and in addition the general difficulty in transporting supplies into the districts, all indicate that any development projects should proceed gradually and that adequate time should be allowed for implementation.
In terms of economy, in recent history Maakhir’s territory normally maintained a diverse economy, producing and then exporting to abroad, it produced livestock, frankincense, and leather for export, which was happening while the region lacked basic infrastructure. However sadly, after the outbreak of civil war, the region’s economy collapsed from loss of markets, lack of investment and the dilapidated infrastructure has never helped,. Now the region only supports one main economy: livestock rearing. The Somali livestock ban imposed by Gulf countries, which was Maakhir’s largest market, has virtually destroyed the economy in the region, reducing purchasing power and forcing pastoralists to survive on subsistence activities.
There is no doubt that if the proposed re-development of the Laasqoray ancient Port was achieved, this will no doubt have a massive economical impact however, this dream is unlikely to materialise as the International None Governmental Organizations, whom has promised to fund the project, have withdrawn their initial funding. However, there is the Laasqoray Tuna Processing factory in the coastal city of Laasqoray which is the only major employer in the territory but it only employs around 480 people and is only a season-based employment. Yet the territory has a rich fishing coast that has been exploited by the foreign trawlers by illegally fishing near the shores and using outdated and banned fishing methods. It has been reported that more than $300m-worth of tuna and highly prized lobster are being stolen every year by these trawlers [1].
Another issue which concerns local coastal inhabitants greatly is the waste dumping in and around the territory’s coast, as reported by the local eyewitness; this has caused unknown illnesses and is undoubtedly an issue rightly to be concerned about.
Political Madness in Maakhir territory
Politically speaking, which is the biggest dilemma and has recently become quite a active and volatile one, the territory has emerged as a battle ground for political lobbying between the loyalist of the newly elected Siilaanyo’s Somaliland and the supporters of General Ilkajir, a former Somali Army General, who returned form New York were he was residing [2]. The General is the Interior and rural affairs minister in Puntland, originally coming from Erigavo. Somaliland has been spending lots of money, as a mean of wining the minds and the hearts of the local elders. The authority has recently re-branded the Maakhir territory in Sanaag as Badhan Region.
Many Maakhiris believe this to be a clan driven-move as Somaliland’s eastern clans lobbied hard for many years to have Sanaag name as their own region, despite the district of Eil-Afweyn being the only district that the eastern Clans inhabits without the Maakhiris which shows that they are not and cannot be the majority in the region and for this reason they have lobbied hard to get this region as theirs.
One of the main leaders of the Siilaanyo’s group is Mr Abdul Hakim Wahabi, the designated governor of Badhan region, the son of former Maakhiri Businessman and the well-known person Mr Ahmed [Wahabi] Mohamoud Qablan from the highly established Qablan Family, who died in the Erigavo during the civil war. This took place in the city when the SNM attacked the town.
The agenda of Mr Abdul Hakim is unclear; he has been lately touring some of the towns and districts and holding meetings with a few elders and locals, promising developments in the region. Yet what he has forgot is that the majority of the locals do not agree with him in this regard as Somaliland has a weak economy and suffers from the lack of any international input, apart from limited funds from the NGO.
However he had the moment and chance to show his master in Hargaisa that he was doing some work, via the privately owned TV, which was misleading and lacked genuine impartiality and journalistic ethics.
Another dilemma is the role of Sultan, he has been visiting both Garowe and Hargaisa regularly and this sends confusing signals, at this time of writing this essay the Sultan is in Hargaisa with some of clan’s chiefs.
Many members in Diaspora have rejected the intrusion of the Somaliland in the territory and called this dangerous path which can cause undesirable and avoidable conflict which had happened before in neighbouring Sool region.
Another point which deserves to be clarified is that the majority of Maakhiris sees Somaliland as a clan based entity in which one clan is claiming the control of so call colonial boundary of former British rulers on the grounds that they have the right to separate from the Somali Republic, it’s a view that is been rejected not only by the Maakhiris but also the international community has rejected this as the entity has never recognized as sovereign state.
Historically, the British never settled Maakhir territory until late in 1950s after the birth of Erigavo town, the Maakhiris remained along the colonial ruling period free from interferences from British rule.
The British themselves never know where the border point was as it clear in The Foreign Office Document on British Somaliland and Sokotra dated March 1919 in which says that its borders are artificial line which have not demarcated. And again in the document reported conflicted border line, at one stage saying that the eastern Border is 47 Eastern Longitude and later saying is 49 Eastern Longitude.
Not allot of people know about this document but its crucial one which sheds light on the baseless claim of so-called eastern Border of Somaliland, if their master that they are basing their history doesn’t know were the border line is how they would know it? May I ask!
General Ilkajir, the interior and rural affairs minister of Puntland has recently became anonymous in Maakhiri Political arena even though he still has strong followings in the territory.
His only success in recent time came when he banned the Somaliland election to take place in cities and towns of Maakhir’s Sanaag territory and he was so successful that election only took place in the city of Erigavo and other small Eastern Somaliland clans towns while raiding the small Somaliland garrison in outskirt of Badhan and confiscating their small arms.
However since the election, the General has been very preoccupied with Garowe politics and it seems he has little time or knowledge of what is happening in his territory.
The General is responsible of facilitating and building of the local administrations, local district councils as he is the Interior minister but so far he has failed to facilitate any such thing.
Earlier in this Month, March 2011, General Ilkajir has arrived back Badhan to facilitate the building of local government in Badhan and he has finally succeeded when on the 20th of March 2011, 28 members for Badhan council with women and minority clans included has been sworn in [3], but the question is how the proposed local government will be?
Prior the arrival of the minister the former Somali Defence minister, General Abdurrahman Mohamoud Ali Bayr, was in the Maakhir territory and held series of meetings with some elders. He then called the establishment of local districts administrators and cities council members. Later he clarified this by giving interviews and said he was there to help General Ilkajir to start building a regional administration for the territory.
Some locals have shown their unhappiness with Somaliland activities in the territory, an example for that being the demonstration on the 7th of February, 2011, which was held in Hadaftimo District. The locals demanded Somaliland not to intervene in their district and it has been reported that the locals were carrying placards with Farole’s Pictures and that of General Ilkajir. They also chased out Somaliland nominated district from the city.
After the defeat of Militias loyal to Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom, who has been accused of having links to Southern Somalia’s Alshabab and Puntland Soldiers, Puntland administrations accused Somaliland of harbouring escapee of the Galgala militant; however this has been rejected by Somaliland and then drums of war start beating. On the 2nd of January 2011, the deputy security minister of Puntland, Mr Abdi Jamal read out a press release in which the Puntland government heavily criticised Somaliland and accused them of harbouring terrorists from Galgala district.
Another problem is the politicisation of the clan elders; clan elders in the territory are considered one of the most powerful governing institutions, though this has had a good effect in the areas of law and order but the politicisation is where the problem begins to cause worry.
Some clan elders do indeed support the two administrations that are in dispute over the territory, this has led to, for example, the supporters of Somaliland to use the clan as a shield and produce the support of their sub-clan elders which is not a good sign. This can lead the same problem, across the border, to Sool region were the division of the clan elders has contributed to a massive fall out between the clans and the occupation of Las Anod, the capital of Sool region by the Somaliland in 2007 and recent clashes between Somaliland supporters and SSC militia in widhwidh town of Buhotle district, Kalshaale, Maygaagle and Hagoogane villages in the same district.
Of course not all the elders are politically active, I must clarify, but the small minority is creating another Political mess in the territory.
Conclusion
The territory is going through a difficult time in history; there must be solution for this political mayhem and the lack of genuine and qualified districts and regional administrators is one of the biggest headaches.
I therefore propose the appointment of Regional Administration Committees [RAC] whom must all be well educated and experienced with inclusion of women and minority groups and this should first step for any type civil administration for Maakhir territory.
The first role of these committees must be the security and unity of the Maakhir population and the planning the developing methods in the regions.
A question of funding can arise from this proposal, however, the territory enjoys larger Diaspora and therefore it’s crucial that the Diaspora community to play a leading role in funding the first few steps until genuine taxation system comes into play.
Therefore the Diaspora can help to grantee the financing of the new administration for the first few months if not years.
I also propose the establishment of strong and balanced district council members temporarily elected by the elders and the civic society groups in the territory, the council members can act as the legislative body for the territory which can guarantee the work of the District commissioners are doing their job and in right way. The establishment of Badhan District Council Member must to be starting step for establishing local district council members of entire districts in Maakhir territory in Sanaag, Haylaan and Western Bari.
As for development I propose the creation of a Grand agency which it will be called Maakhir Fund for Social and Economic Development(MAFSED). The main purpose of this institution is to provide guidance and support in the means and ways forward towards recovery and reconstruction for the Maakhir territory and developing new strategy for the re-development of the Laasqoray Port, developing the Eil-Dahir to Erigavoroad and Laasqoray-Hingalol road.
I also call for the establishment of five regional agencies such as:
- The Regional Agency for security and policing [ Wakaalada Nabad sugida iyo Police-ka]
- The Regional Agency for Education and Environment [ Wakaalada Waxbarashada iyo Bii’ada]
- The Regional Agency for Infrastructure development [ Wakaalada Horumarinta]
- The Regional Agency for good governance and Finance [ Wakaalada Maaliyada iyo maamul wanaaga]
- The Regional Agency for local governments and regional governor [Wakaalada Dowladaha Hoose iyo G. Gobolada]
Regarding how to administer MAFSED, I suggest it should be headed by nominees of the Eight Districts of Badhan, Dhahar, Hadaftimo, Hingalol, Laasqoray, Gal gala [Bari Region] Yubbe and Buraan and then appoint chairman by the first meeting of the nominees.
I might have angered some Maakhiris on why I have excluded both Erigavo and Bosaaso, my answer to that is since Maakhiris don’t have the administration control of those two major cities we should concentrate on those we can administer.
I am not purposing Maakhir to split from Puntland since Puntland has some authority over the territory, however what I am proposing is to have a badly needed administration and development for the territory, it’s up to the masses of Maakhir to decide if they want to set up their own self administering State or join Somaliland or stay with Puntland.
Apart from that, I call Maakhiris to remove disunity among them by never allowing any outside influence to divide them, Maakhiris should remember that some regions with fewer expatriates have now schools, hospitals and some of them even have a well run university.
I also call the huge Maakhiri Diaspora community to contribute the development of the territory not only donating their hard earned cash but coming back to the territory and helping administration building, peace and unity building.
Finally, I call the international Aid organisation such as the UNDP, Care, UNICEF and others who prefer to stay out of the region to start coming in the territory and help out the rebuilding of the region.
May Allah guide us to the right path, aameen
[1] http://www.biyokulule.com/
[2]/
Raz Shirwa, commentator and researcher who lives in London, UK, Edited By Muna Abdirnasir